论文部分内容阅读
‘Compared to our generation， the youth of today have fewer ideals. Ideals are not necessarily concerned with material life—some people have little money， but live rich spiritual lives，”Li Lulu， a Chinese sociologist and Vice Dean of the School of Sociology and Population Studies at Renmin University of China， told Beijing Review.
Born in 1954， Li has lived witnessed the abundant changes in Chinese society over the past decades.
School days
“When I was in fifth grade， we stopped having classes after a long summer vacation. Every day， we would go to the streets and watch leaflets being spread and posters put up，” Li said. “Society was crazy at that time； every work unit was busy criticizing its leaders.”
“Students who joined Red Guard organizations soon started taking free public transport across the country to spread revolutionary ideas. Many came to Beijing， where Chairman Mao met them at Tian’anmen Square eight times，” he said.
Li’s time at school was interrupted by the“cultural revolution” （1966-76）， a sociopolitical movement set into motion by Chairman Mao， founding father of the People’s Republic of China.
Red Guards consisted of university and high school students who spontaneously formed organized units wearing green jackets， similar to Chinese army uniforms at the time， with red armbands attached to one sleeve.
“Chairman Mao initiated the campaign to prevent the restoration of capitalism. He wanted to keep China from following the Soviet Union， which had failed to eliminate revisionism and was forced to see the rise of a new hierarchy.”
It was a time of upheaval， but also one of ideals， both in terms of politics and values.“People were really pursuing something，” Li recalled.
Li， objecting to allegations that the“cultural revolution” was the outcome of Chairman Mao’s power struggles， holds that it was an inevitable outcome of the age. After the Communist Party of China gained power in 1949， it gradually formed its own interests. In the meantime， economic construction necessitated efficiency， with outstanding workers encouraged financially， which in turn led to social stratification.
In 1966， Chinese school education was halted at the height of the “cultural revolution，” only to resume again in 1968. High school and university education were not formally restored until 1977. When Li completed junior middle school in 1970， he became a worker at a local radio factory， the proudest occupation of the time， where he spent the next eight years until young people could enter university after passing entrance exams in late 1977. “All my peers went to factories，” he said. “It was painful work for a 16-year-old. We produced parts for radios， and I had to sit in front of an electron microscope for eight hours a day，” said Li.
Unforgettable age
Despite working a monotonous job， Li’s passion for philosophy never faded. In 1978， he became a student at the School of Philosophy in Renmin University of China in Beijing.
“The age following 1978 is the time I miss most，” Li noted.
“At university， ideological trends overflowed. Teachers and students were extremely active in terms of creative thinking，”he said. “At the time， the ‘cultural revolution’had just ended. Society was overwhelmed with retrospection on Marxism， socialism， and most other schools of thought. People were suspicious of everything. Most were wondering whether China’s practices over the previous three decades had been right and where the country was heading，” Li added.
Indeed， 1978 was a turning point for the whole nation. In December， China’s reform and opening-up policy was initiated at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee， ushering the country along the path of rapid economic development.
Since then， China has embraced big improvements in social development， people’s livelihoods as well as international influence. The economic miracle also stimulated reforms in its political and cultural systems.
“Students organized all kinds of activities， including seminars， debates and parties. My life suddenly became colorful. The atmosphere indicated that all things， neglected or suppressed， had returned，” Li said.
In early 1992， Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping paid a visit to south China， which turned the country’s focus to economic construction and marketization.
“With Deng’s visit， society embraced an-other wave of mental emancipation， albeit in an economically oriented way，” Li said.
Having faith
In Li’s view， the biggest problem facing Chinese society today relates to the lack of belief.
“Many Chinese people hold on to Confucianism， though it is far too secular； too preoccupied with the temporal world，” Li argued.
He thinks that， compared to developed countries， China has no core belief system. In the West， many people are Protestants who emphasize man as created equally by God， just as everyone is equal before the law. Thus， the meaning of a man’s life relates to serving God via daily action. “In China， there are no such rules rooted in ordinary life. On the contrary， a man’s values here do not lie with God， but are decided by the views of his peers. Chinese people attach great importance to what others think. This can easily change with both time and environment，” Li said.
When asked what he believes， Li answered that， as a member of the Communist Party of China， communism was most impor- tant， followed by human rights and personal values.
Having experienced so much social change， Li believes that having one’s own ideals is essential.
“A man can’t succeed without interests or ideals. He must pursue something， and stick to that pursuit，” he said.
Li argues that， far more than just a job， one’s profession is akin to a life mission. While a job serves as a means for people to earn money and support themselves， a profession is more than that—it also provides spiritual ballast and serves as a platform for people to discover themselves.
Above all， he loves the study of sociology and his job as a professor. “My proudest achievement is becoming a professor. And I think I am one of the best. I always tell myself， if you can’t be among the top 10 or 20， you are either not suitable for the job， or you are not working hard enough，”he said.
Born in 1954， Li has lived witnessed the abundant changes in Chinese society over the past decades.
School days
“When I was in fifth grade， we stopped having classes after a long summer vacation. Every day， we would go to the streets and watch leaflets being spread and posters put up，” Li said. “Society was crazy at that time； every work unit was busy criticizing its leaders.”
“Students who joined Red Guard organizations soon started taking free public transport across the country to spread revolutionary ideas. Many came to Beijing， where Chairman Mao met them at Tian’anmen Square eight times，” he said.
Li’s time at school was interrupted by the“cultural revolution” （1966-76）， a sociopolitical movement set into motion by Chairman Mao， founding father of the People’s Republic of China.
Red Guards consisted of university and high school students who spontaneously formed organized units wearing green jackets， similar to Chinese army uniforms at the time， with red armbands attached to one sleeve.
“Chairman Mao initiated the campaign to prevent the restoration of capitalism. He wanted to keep China from following the Soviet Union， which had failed to eliminate revisionism and was forced to see the rise of a new hierarchy.”
It was a time of upheaval， but also one of ideals， both in terms of politics and values.“People were really pursuing something，” Li recalled.
Li， objecting to allegations that the“cultural revolution” was the outcome of Chairman Mao’s power struggles， holds that it was an inevitable outcome of the age. After the Communist Party of China gained power in 1949， it gradually formed its own interests. In the meantime， economic construction necessitated efficiency， with outstanding workers encouraged financially， which in turn led to social stratification.
In 1966， Chinese school education was halted at the height of the “cultural revolution，” only to resume again in 1968. High school and university education were not formally restored until 1977. When Li completed junior middle school in 1970， he became a worker at a local radio factory， the proudest occupation of the time， where he spent the next eight years until young people could enter university after passing entrance exams in late 1977. “All my peers went to factories，” he said. “It was painful work for a 16-year-old. We produced parts for radios， and I had to sit in front of an electron microscope for eight hours a day，” said Li.
Unforgettable age
Despite working a monotonous job， Li’s passion for philosophy never faded. In 1978， he became a student at the School of Philosophy in Renmin University of China in Beijing.
“The age following 1978 is the time I miss most，” Li noted.
“At university， ideological trends overflowed. Teachers and students were extremely active in terms of creative thinking，”he said. “At the time， the ‘cultural revolution’had just ended. Society was overwhelmed with retrospection on Marxism， socialism， and most other schools of thought. People were suspicious of everything. Most were wondering whether China’s practices over the previous three decades had been right and where the country was heading，” Li added.
Indeed， 1978 was a turning point for the whole nation. In December， China’s reform and opening-up policy was initiated at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee， ushering the country along the path of rapid economic development.
Since then， China has embraced big improvements in social development， people’s livelihoods as well as international influence. The economic miracle also stimulated reforms in its political and cultural systems.
“Students organized all kinds of activities， including seminars， debates and parties. My life suddenly became colorful. The atmosphere indicated that all things， neglected or suppressed， had returned，” Li said.
In early 1992， Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping paid a visit to south China， which turned the country’s focus to economic construction and marketization.
“With Deng’s visit， society embraced an-other wave of mental emancipation， albeit in an economically oriented way，” Li said.
Having faith
In Li’s view， the biggest problem facing Chinese society today relates to the lack of belief.
“Many Chinese people hold on to Confucianism， though it is far too secular； too preoccupied with the temporal world，” Li argued.
He thinks that， compared to developed countries， China has no core belief system. In the West， many people are Protestants who emphasize man as created equally by God， just as everyone is equal before the law. Thus， the meaning of a man’s life relates to serving God via daily action. “In China， there are no such rules rooted in ordinary life. On the contrary， a man’s values here do not lie with God， but are decided by the views of his peers. Chinese people attach great importance to what others think. This can easily change with both time and environment，” Li said.
When asked what he believes， Li answered that， as a member of the Communist Party of China， communism was most impor- tant， followed by human rights and personal values.
Having experienced so much social change， Li believes that having one’s own ideals is essential.
“A man can’t succeed without interests or ideals. He must pursue something， and stick to that pursuit，” he said.
Li argues that， far more than just a job， one’s profession is akin to a life mission. While a job serves as a means for people to earn money and support themselves， a profession is more than that—it also provides spiritual ballast and serves as a platform for people to discover themselves.
Above all， he loves the study of sociology and his job as a professor. “My proudest achievement is becoming a professor. And I think I am one of the best. I always tell myself， if you can’t be among the top 10 or 20， you are either not suitable for the job， or you are not working hard enough，”he said.